بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم
Defense Cooperation between Jordan and Pakistan: Dimensions and Questions
(Translated)
Al-Rayah Newspaper - Issue 583 - 21/01/2026
By: Sa’ad al-Din Khalid
Jordan and Pakistan explored avenues to bolster defense and training cooperation between the two countries. This occurred during the reception hosted by the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff of the Jordanian Armed Forces, Major General Yousef al-Huneiti, in his office in the capital Amman, for the Chief of Army Staff of the Pakistan Army, Field Marshal Asim Munir.
A statement from the Jordanian Armed Forces noted that the two sides discussed “aspects of joint military cooperation and coordination, as well as ways to strengthen bilateral cooperation ties between the armed forces of the two countries.” This visit comes as a continuation of a prior trip by Field Marshal Asim Munir to the Kingdom in late October 2025, as well as Jordanian King Abdullah II’s visit to the Global Industrial and Defense Solutions (GIDS) in the Pakistani capital Islamabad, where the King was briefed on the operations of the state-owned firm, which specializes in research, development, and manufacturing of defense equipment employing advanced technology.
The exchange of visits between the two countries is not a recent development. Relations between them are historical, but recent events and the tense regional situation have imposed new directions. There have been multiple interpretations of these moves. Some link them to the strategic alliance between India and the Jewish entity, an alliance that represents a direct challenge to Pakistan’s national security. Proponents of this view contend that the development of Jordanian-Pakistani relations is aimed at countering the Jewish entity’s provision to India of advanced air defense systems, such as the Barak 8 system and Elbit Systems Hermes 900 Kochav drones, along with electronic warfare technologies that bolster New Delhi’s capabilities in border conflicts.
However, the reality may be quite different. Jordan’s relationship with the Jewish entity is characterized by a depth that makes it inconceivable for Jordan to enter into alliances that threaten the security of the Jewish entity, not only in accordance with the obligations of the Wadi Araba Agreement, but also because the nature of the relationship between the Jordanian regime and the entity transcends all official considerations. It is a relationship known to all. Jordan does not form alliances against the Jews or against their relations with other powers.
Likewise, this rapprochement cannot be regarded as a result of the far-right’s actions in the West Bank, as some promote the notion that the visit “bolsters Jordan’s stance toward the Palestinian cause” or “pressures ‘Israel’ to back down from its support for India on issues like Kashmir.” This proposal, which speaks of a “geographical and diplomatic encirclement” of the Jewish entity through tripartite agreements with Turkey or Saudi Arabia, contradicts political realities. Pakistan closely follows American political trends and has even made concessions on the issue of Kashmir, which is part of its territory. So how can it provide real benefit to Palestine when the powerful actor in the region is the United States, which holds the reins of the issue?
These interpretations appear far removed from reality, and the matter may be even further afield and more perilous, as it falls within the new American strategy, based on repositioning its forces and shifting its weight to the Western Hemisphere. The Trump administration sees limited benefit in direct intervention except in cases involving economic gain or explicit threats to its interests, and it requires proxy or substitute forces to fill the vacuum. Washington will not find better partners than the countries that revolve in its orbit and are its agents to play this role under the name of “Islamic Military Alliance” or “Arab NATO.” Therefore, what is anticipated is that these agreements serve as a prelude for substituting forces to replace American troops in the event of their withdrawal, while manipulating public sentiments through claims that they are directed against the “Indian-Jewish” alliance, or in service of the cause of Palestine.
In conclusion, these forces will not deviate from the context of the subordinate roles assigned to them, nor will they touch the relationship with the Jewish entity. It is truly sad that these armies are being mobilized to serve the interests of the major powers, while they act incapable regarding support of the causes of the Ummah in Kashmir or Palestine, when their fundamental purpose is to protect the sanctities of Islam, not to look after the interests of its enemies.