On Monday evening, April 27, 2026, the Coordination Framework selected Ali Faleh Al-Zaidi as Prime Minister of Iraq. This followed the withdrawal of Nouri Al-Maliki’s candidacy, which was met with a US veto, and the withdrawal of outgoing Prime Minister Mohammed Al-Sudani. The move was intended to prevent a constitutional vacuum resulting from the political deadlock within the Coordination Framework.

Al-Zaidi is a compromise candidate whose name was not among the initial nominees for Prime Minister. He is a businessman and currently serves as Chairman of the Board of the National Holding Company, which operates in the agriculture, livestock, housing, real estate development, and banking and financial services sectors. He also served as Chairman of the Board of the South Bank, which is subject to US sanctions. He has never held any official government or political position.

US President Trump congratulated Al-Zaidi on his official appointment to form the new Iraqi government, extending a formal invitation for him to visit Washington after the government’s formation. The two leaders also discussed strategic relations between Iraq and the US and ways to enhance cooperation and stability in the region during a telephone call. Iran also congratulated him, as did the European Union delegation in Iraq and Spain, in addition to the endorsement of most Iraqi political parties.

Here, we must shed light on the Iraqi political landscape following this nomination, as several important points must be clarified:

Firstly, Iraq’s problems have not ended with the announcement of the prime minister. The process is more complex due to the distribution of ministerial portfolios and the competition among political blocs for these positions. This challenge could lead to disputes and power struggles between the various entities, especially since the distribution of ministerial posts is typically a point of contention among parties seeking gains that Iraqi politicians describe as “electoral entitlements.” This stage will be even more complicated than the previous one because the US has declared its opposition to any candidate with ties to Iran or its allied armed factions.

A source told Shafaq News Agency that “the Coordination Framework has formed a special committee to monitor the distribution of ministerial portfolios and the names of the candidates for them, in coordination with the Prime Minister-designate, to prevent the dispute over ministries from becoming an obstacle that would delay the formation of the government….”

These moves coincide with discussions within the political forces regarding a preliminary map for the distribution of ministerial portfolios. Information circulating behind the scenes of the negotiations indicates that the Reconstruction and Development Coalition, led by outgoing Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, is poised to obtain five ministries, including a sovereign ministry, while the State of Law Coalition will receive the Ministry of Oil and another service ministry. Meanwhile, the Sadiqun Movement, led by Qais al-Khazali, is expected to increase its share to two ministries and the position of Deputy Prime Minister.

Within the Sunni quota, negotiations are focused on the Higher Education Ministry being offered to the Progress Party, led by Halbousi, while the Defense Ministry is being considered for the Azm Alliance, led by Muthanna al-Samarrai. The Foreign and Justice Ministries are likely to go to the Kurdistan Democratic Party, while the Environment and Culture Ministries are being discussed as part of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan’s quota. This is all within the framework of a broader understanding linking Kurdish participation in the new government to clear commitments regarding outstanding issues with Baghdad.

This issue is rife with conflict and the buying and selling of positions, creating a fertile ground for corruption and theft.

Secondly: The second important issue is redefining the relationship with America, especially given its recent hostile stance towards the Coordination Framework Alliance, following the end of the honeymoon period between America and Iran. This is further complicated by regional challenges, the war with Iran, and the relationship with the Gulf states, which accuse Iraq of aggression and the Iraqi government's inability to control armed factions. This issue is subject to the current regional circumstances and the outcome of the ongoing war.

Thirdly: Iraq’s problems cannot be solved simply by appointing a prime minister. Since the 2003 invasion, the country has been deteriorating. The same old problems are recycled every election cycle, subject to a political map on sectarian and ethnic lines, drawn by the American occupiers. The country has paid the price with hundreds of thousands of victims, widespread corruption, and the squandering of its resources. The situation is now even worse after the end of the US-Iranian rapprochement, leaving Iraq caught between the hammer of America and the anvil of Iran. This does not bode well for a country that has lost its sovereignty both internally and externally.

Fourthly: A clear political vision for Iraq’s future cannot be formulated in isolation from its external environment. The future of the political process in Iraq is contingent upon the outcome of the US-Iranian conflict. Iraq, like the rest of the region, is part of this situation, and its domestic security situation and the erosion of independent decision-making between the Iraqi government and factions operating outside state control make it even more complex.

Fifthly: There is no solution to this situation as long as we seek it from within the problem itself. The solution must come from outside. The political system imposed by the occupier has generated all these problems, and any attempt to solve them from within is futile and will only exacerbate the issue. Therefore, the solution to the political situation in Iraq and the rest of the Muslim world must come from outside these imposed political systems. This external solution stems from the Aqeedah of the Islamic Ummah and the political, economic, and social systems obligated by Allah (swt).

Therefore, if the Islamic Ummah desires to live in a stable, dignified, and just political state, it must return to its Deen and its pure source, and strive to establish a state where sovereignty belongs to Islamic law, and where its authority rests with those whom it trusts in their piety, justice, and ability, pledging Bayah of allegiance to them to rule according to the Shariah of Allah (swt). It is unbecoming for an Ummah that Allah (swt) has honored with Islam and strengthened with Iman to live in humiliation, submit to oppressors, and fail to restrain criminals. Allah (swt) has promised it one of two good outcomes: victory or martyrdom. It is unbecoming for an Ummah that was a beacon of light for humanity, and a leader of mankind through justice and benevolence, to be at the bottom of the nations, prey to its enemies through killing, displacement, plundering its resources, and dictating its future.

O Muslims, know with certainty that you will have no honor, no dignity, and no comfortable life except by returning to your Deen, for it is the source of your strength. Allah (swt) says,

[لَقَدْ أَنزَلْنَا إِلَيْكُمْ كِتَاباً فِيهِ ذِكْرُكُمْ أَفَلَا تَعْقِلُون]

“We have surely revealed to you a Book, in which there is glory for you. Will you not then understand? [TMQ Surah Al-Anbya, 21:10] To this great good we call you, O Ummah of goodness and guidance, to return to your pure source and draw from it, and to govern your life by the law of Allah (swt), so that you may attain happiness in this world and the hereafter, and become the best Ummah as Allah (swt) desires you should be.